The Hard Life of a Police Officer
Consulting. Strategic Analysis
Scenario Analysis and Forecasts
PROTECTION OF THE INTEGRITY AND LIFE OF POLICE OFFICERS IN BRAZIL
Exército romano - Roma antiga
Sabías lo que le pasó a un soldado romano gravemente herido?
Si su lesión le impedía volver al combate, recibía una misio causaria, una baja por incapacidad acompañada de un pago del Estado. Aunque la cantidad variaba, por lo general era suficiente para asegurar su sustento por el resto de su vida.
Por otro lado, si un legionario cumplía entre 20 y 25 años de servicio, obtenía una misio honesta, una baja honorable acompañada de una generosa suma de dinero y, en algunos casos, tierras. Esto le permitió retirarse con dignidad y estabilidad.
El Imperio Romano reconocía el valor de sus soldados y recompensaba su sacrificio, asegurándose de que aquellos que servían fielmente tuvieran un futuro después del campo de batalla.
A partir del texto sobre el trato al soldado romano, comentamos y explicamos con fundamentos sociológicos el hecho de que el agente público encargado de la seguridad pública está mal pagado, incapaz de proveerse a sí mismo y a su familia, y hay quienes lo dirigen y ordenan que tenga integridad moral y desempeño profesional sin brindarle, sin embargo, el apoyo necesario para un buen y justo desempeño público.
Desarrollo
La disparidad entre el trato dado a los soldados romanos y a los agentes de seguridad pública contemporáneos puede analizarse desde varias perspectivas sociológicas.
El reconocimiento del valor de los militares en la Antigua Roma, expresado a través de pensiones dignas y compensaciones económicas, demuestra una estructura estatal que entendió la necesidad de apoyar a quienes garantizaban el orden y la expansión territorial.
Esto refleja una relación de intercambio entre el Estado y el individuo, basada en un contrato social implícito: el soldado renuncia a su fuerza y lealtad, y el Estado le asegura apoyo futuro.
Sin embargo, en el contexto actual, la desvalorización de los agentes de seguridad pública puede entenderse desde algunas teorías sociológicas:
1. Teoría del capital simbólico (Bourdieu) – Los policías tienen un capital simbólico de autoridad y fuerza, pero, en la práctica, este prestigio no siempre se traduce en capital económico o social. En sociedades donde el reconocimiento del trabajo policial es limitado o donde el Estado no prioriza la valoración de los agentes, estos profesionales son vulnerables a bajos salarios y condiciones de vida y de trabajo precarias.
2. Teoría de la anomia (Durkheim) – La falta de reconocimiento y apoyo a los agentes de seguridad pública puede generar un estado de anomia, en el que los individuos sienten que las normas sociales e institucionales son insuficientes para garantizar la justicia y la estabilidad. Esto puede provocar frustración, corrupción, absentismo y baja motivación profesional.
3. El marxismo y la explotación del trabajo – Desde una perspectiva marxista, la precariedad de los policías puede entenderse como una estrategia del Estado para mantener una fuerza de trabajo controlable y económicamente explotable. Al no garantizar condiciones dignas, el sistema asegura que los agentes permanezcan dependientes y, en algunos casos, susceptibles a influencias externas, lo que puede comprometer la integridad moral y profesional.
4. Contradicción del Estado weberiano – Max Weber describe al Estado moderno como aquel que tiene el monopolio legítimo de la violencia. Sin embargo, si el propio Estado no ofrece las condiciones adecuadas para que sus agentes ejerzan esta función con dignidad, se crea una contradicción estructural. Se espera que los agentes de policía mantengan el orden, pero sin los medios necesarios para llevar a cabo esta misión de manera efectiva.
Así, el desajuste entre la valoración histórica de los soldados romanos y el trato dado a los actuales agentes de seguridad pública refleja un cambio en las prioridades del Estado y en la forma en que la sociedad percibe el papel de estos profesionales.
Sin el debido reconocimiento material y simbólico, se hace difícil exigir un alto rendimiento e integridad a las personas sometidas a un sistema que no les garantiza el apoyo necesario.
Compensation of the police officer injured in combat
Consulting. Strategic Analysis
What is known about the current matter of compensation for the police officer injured in combat
Compensation for police officers injured on duty in Brazil is a complex issue, involving state laws and court decisions that vary according to the region and the specific circumstances of each case.
Understanding the construction above, there is no absolute provision for compensation for police officers injured in combat, which means that this professional can only count on that financial misery that is paid to him and, of course, will only be able to buy from friends, relatives and family in addition to the crowdfunding that we make to help in what we can do to mitigate the evil.
Such construction clearly explains why every year, there is a lack of volunteers to serve the ranks of Public Security, and many others who want to leave it, but do not know how to reconvert.
As if this were not enough, the State does not allow weapons and ammunition for police officers and despite what is propagated, the training of these warriors is not up to what is necessary to fight organized crime in Brazil. As for the militarization of the police, a subject that has been condemned, it is totally wrong to think that the police have to be sweet and conciliatory in the face of the aggressiveness of criminal organizations.
To return to the issue of training, given that a blister of 38SPL costs in the market something around 120 reais, and that not all police units offer training in firearms and when they do not have enough shots for the proper preparation of the police officer who cannot pay the amount informed retro to achieve the technical result that is charged to him.
The icing on the cake came at a gallop with the 2024 Decree published in the dead of night that prohibits the police from using their weapon and removes from the State its constitutional power to legislate on the subject.
State responsibility
The State
<<can be held civilly liable for damages suffered by police officers on duty, especially in risky activities inherent to the profession>>.
Brazilian jurisprudence has recognized the strict liability of the State in these cases, that is, regardless of fault, the State <<may>> be obliged to compensate the injured police officer.
For example, the Court of Justice of Rio Grande do Sul upheld a sentence that condemned the State to indemnify a police officer shot on duty, recognizing the employer's strict liability in risky activities
Disability Allowance
Some states provide specific aid for police officers who become disabled as a result of on-duty injuries.
In Rio de Janeiro, for example, Law 6,764 guarantees disability assistance in cases of paraplegia, quadriplegia or amputations.
However, there is criticism about the limitation of this law, as it does not cover other types of serious injuries, such as brain injuries
Bills and Current Discussions
At the federal level, there are discussions to expand the rights of police officers injured on duty.
For example, the Senate's Public Safety Committee analyzed a <<bill>> that allows military police officers injured on duty to choose between inactivity or being reinstated, as long as they preserve their work capacity
Varied Jurisprudence
Judicial decisions on compensation vary according to the case. There are records of compensation for moral and aesthetic damages, with amounts that differ according to the circumstances and the understanding of the courts.
For example, the São Paulo Court of Justice ordered the São Paulo State Insurance Company (Cosesp) to pay compensation to an injured police officer, even if the incident occurred while he was off duty
Final Thoughts
It is essential that police officers and their families are aware of state legislation and the possibilities of claiming their rights through the courts. Specialized legal guidance is essential to evaluate each case and seek the due compensation.
PROTECTION OF THE INTEGRITY AND LIFE OF POLICE OFFICERS IN BRAZIL 03.01.2025
Roman Army - Ancient Rome
Did you know what happened to a seriously wounded Roman soldier?
If his injury prevented him from returning to combat, he received a misio causaria, a disability discharge accompanied by a payment from the state. Although the amount varied, it was usually enough to ensure his livelihood for the rest of his life.
On the other hand, if a legionary completed between 20 and 25 years of service, he obtained a misio honesta, an honorable discharge accompanied by a generous sum of money and, in some cases, land. This allowed him to retire with dignity and stability.
The Roman Empire recognized the valor of its soldiers and rewarded their sacrifice, ensuring that those who served faithfully had a future after the battlefield.
Based on the text on the treatment of the Roman soldier, we comment and explain with sociological grounds the fact that the public agent in charge of public security is poorly paid, unable to provide for himself and his family, and there are those who lead him and order him to have moral integrity and professional performance without, however, giving him the necessary support for good and fair public performance.
Development
The disparity between the treatment given to Roman soldiers and contemporary public security agents can be analyzed from several sociological perspectives.
The recognition of the value of the military in Ancient Rome, expressed through dignified pensions and financial compensation, demonstrates a state structure that understood the need to support those who guaranteed order and territorial expansion.
This reflects an exchange relationship between the state and the individual, based on an implicit social contract: the soldier surrenders his strength and loyalty, and the state assures him of future support.
However, in the current context, the devaluation of public security agents can be understood from some sociological theories:
1. Theory of Symbolic Capital (Bourdieu) – Police officers carry a symbolic capital of authority and strength, but, in practice, this prestige does not always translate into economic or social capital. In societies where the recognition of police work is limited or where the State does not prioritize valuing officers, these professionals are vulnerable to low salaries and precarious living and working conditions.
2. Theory of Anomie (Durkheim) – The lack of recognition and support for public security agents can generate a state of anomie, in which individuals feel that social and institutional norms are insufficient to guarantee justice and stability. This can lead to frustration, corruption, absenteeism, and low professional motivation.
3. Marxism and the Exploitation of Labor – From a Marxist perspective, the precariousness of police officers can be understood as a strategy of the State to maintain a controllable and economically exploitable workforce. By not guaranteeing dignified conditions, the system ensures that agents remain dependent and, in some cases, susceptible to external influences, which can compromise moral and professional integrity.
4. Contradiction of the Weberian State – Max Weber describes the modern State as the one that holds the legitimate monopoly of violence. However, if the State itself does not offer adequate conditions for its agents to exercise this function with dignity, a structural contradiction is created. Police officers are expected to maintain order, but without the necessary means to carry out this mission effectively.
Thus, the mismatch between the historical appreciation of Roman soldiers and the treatment given to current public security agents reflects a change in the priorities of the State and in the way society sees the role of these professionals.
Without due material and symbolic recognition, it becomes difficult to demand high performance and integrity from individuals subjected to a system that does not guarantee them the necessary support.
What are the provisions for the protection of the integrity and life of the police officer in Brazil
In Brazil, there are a series of legal, normative, and operational provisions aimed at protecting the integrity and life of police officers, both in the exercise of their duties and outside of them. These provisions cover rights, training, equipment and psychosocial support. The following are the main aspects:
1. Legislation and Standards
• General Statute of Municipal Guards (Law No. 13,022/2014): Provides rights and guarantees for municipal guards, including access to equipment and training for personal protection.
• Penal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure: Contain provisions to punish crimes against police officers, with aggravating factors in cases of homicide or bodily injury of public agents in the exercise of their functions.
• Law No. 12,850/2013 (Organized Crimes): Provides protection mechanisms for police officers involved in investigations of criminal organizations.
2. Equipment and Training
• Use of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE): Police officers have the right to use ballistic vests, regulated firearms, and other equipment that increases their safety.
• Training and Capacity Building: Police academies offer ongoing training on defensive tactics, weapon handling, defensive driving, and crisis management.
• Technology: The use of body cameras (bodycams) has been implemented in some corporations to ensure more security and transparency in police work.
3. Legal and Operational Protection
• Self-Defense and Exclusion of Unlawfulness: Police officers have legal support for the proportional use of force in situations of self-defense or in actions to protect others.
• Law No. 13,964/2019 (Anticrime Package): Includes the provision of protection for police officers in high-risk operations, in addition to instituting the "plea bargain", which can impact criminal investigations.
• Witness and Agent Protection Unit: In high-risk cases, police officers may be included in witness protection programs and threatened agents.
4. Psychosocial Support
• Mental Health Programs: Some corporations offer psychological care to prevent post-traumatic stress, anxiety, and depression arising from police work.
• Family Care: Specific initiatives include support for families of police officers at risk, especially in cases of death or disability.
5. Prevention and Monitoring Policies
• Police Officer Appreciation Programs: States such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro have initiatives to value the police career and promote good working conditions.
• Monitoring in Risk Operations: Strategic planning and operational support in situations of great risk, such as incursions in areas controlled by criminal organizations.
6. Out of Service Protection
• Carrying a Weapon Off Duty: Regulated by the Disarmament Statute, police officers have the right to carry a weapon, which can contribute to their personal defense.
• Protection Against Retaliation: Specific actions are taken to protect police officers and their families from reprisals by criminals.
Penal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure: Contain provisions to punish crimes against police officers, with aggravating factors in cases of homicide or bodily injury of public agents in the exercise of their functions.
The aforementioned construction addresses the legal protection offered to police officers in Brazil through the Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure, which include specific provisions to punish crimes against public officials, especially those committed during or due to the exercise of their function.
1. Legal Provisions
• Qualified homicide (Art. 121, § 2, VII, of the Penal Code): Considers homicide committed against public security agents in the exercise of their duties or as a result of them to qualify. The penalty is more severe, with imprisonment from 12 to 30 years.
• Bodily injury (Art. 129, § 9): Bodily injury against police officers may be aggravated if it results in death, permanent disability or serious damage to health.
• Generic aggravating factor (Art. 61, II, "f"): Provides for an increase in the penalty for crimes committed against public servants due to their functions, including police officers.
2. Explanation
The legislation aims to protect police officers because they perform essential functions for the maintenance of public order, often exposed to situations of high risk. The qualifiers and aggravating factors reflect the recognition of the vulnerability of the police officer and the need to curb violent acts against these professionals.
3. Comment
This normative construction is a reflection of the State's concern to guarantee the authority and safety of the police officer as a representative of public order. By punishing crimes against police officers more severely, it seeks not only to protect the individual, but also to reaffirm the function of the public security system.
However, there are criticisms and debates about the practical application of these standards:
• Effectiveness: Many experts question whether the toughening of penalties really has an impact on reducing crimes against police officers.
• Balance: There are those who argue that the state should prioritize preventive policies, such as better working conditions and training, rather than focusing exclusively on repression.
Finally, it is important to consider that the legal protection of police officers must be accompanied by a broader public policy, which includes prevention, psychological support, and career enhancement. This will strengthen not only the individual police officer, but also public security as a whole.
Law No. 12,850/2013 (Organized Crimes)
Law No. 12,850, of August 2, 2013, is a legal framework in Brazil for the confrontation of criminal organizations. It defines what is considered a criminal organization and regulates the means of investigation, including protection mechanisms for police officers and other agents involved in high-risk investigations. Let's detail and comment on the aforementioned provision.
1. Content of the Law
The law is broad and brings several specific measures to combat organized crime. Among them are:
• Definition of criminal organization: A structured set of people, with division of tasks, to obtain illicit advantage on a continuous basis.
• Means of investigation: Authorizes instruments such as telephone interceptions, infiltration of agents and plea bargaining.
• Protection of agents: Provides specific mechanisms to protect police officers and others involved in investigations or operations against criminal organizations.
Organized crime fighters in number in Brazil
Consulting. Strategic Analysis
<< MICHEL MISSE Visiting Professor of the Graduate Program in Justice and Public Security at UFF. Retired Full Professor of Sociology from the Department of Sociology of the Institute of Philosophy and Social Sciences of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and researcher 1-B at CNPq
Is it really that we have 94 organized crime factions in Brazil, as reported in her blog by researcher Julia Quirino, from NECVU-UFRJ? Or is the Ministry of Justice, which counts 88 factions in Brazilian prisons, right? Or is the Brazilian Public Security Forum (FBSP), which listed 67 factions on a map a few years ago? What to think, then, of the results of the survey carried out by Datafolha at the request of the FBSP and published last September 23 in the Folha de S. Paulo, according to which 23 million Brazilians (about 10% of the country's population) live with factions and militias in their own neighborhood of residence? These data are close to those anticipated by another survey – from 2022 – carried out in several Latin American countries by Latinobarómetro for the Brazilian case. Is that right?>>
The map of the factions. The factions divided by state
Consulting. Strategic Analysis
Acre: CV, PCC, Bonde dos 13, Ifara
Amapá: CV, PCC, Família Terror do Amapá, Amigos para Sempre, União do Crime do Amapá
Alagoas: CV, PCC
Amazonas: Cartel do Norte, PCC, CV, TCP, Crias da Tríplice
Bahia: PCC, Katiara, Comando da Paz, Caveira, Bonde do Maluco, Mercado do Povo Atitude, Ordem e Progresso, Bonde do Ajeita
Ceará: PCC, CV, Guardians of the State
Federal District: CV, PCC and Cão Espírito Santo Convoy
: PCC, First Command of Vitória, Bullet Train
Goiás: PCC, CV, Monster Family
Maranhão: Bonde dos 40, PCM, PCC
Mato Grosso: CV
Mato Grosso do Sul: PCC
Minas Gerais: PCC, Monster Family
Pará: PCC, CV, Class A Command, Bonde dos 30, União do Norte, Rex Team, Real
Paraíba Team: PCC, Okaida, USA
Paraná: PCC, Paraná Mafia
Pernambuco: PCC, Okaida
Piauí: PCC
Rio de Janeiro: CV, Friend of Friends, Pure Third Command, Militias
Rio Grande do Norte: PCC, CV, Crime Syndicate
Rio Grande do Sul: Open, Bullet in the Face, Os Manos, Comando Pelo Certo, Farrapos, Unidos pela Paz, Os Tauras, Vandals, Mata rindo, Grupo K2, Cebolas, PCI and PCC
Rondônia: PCC, CV, First Command of Panda
Roraima: PCC, CV
Santa Catarina: PCC, First Santa Catarina Group, CVSC, Santa Catarina Revolutionary Force, First Santa Catarina Revolutionary Crime
São Paulo: PCC
Sergipe: PCC, Bonde dos Maluco, CV
Tocantins: PCC, CV, Tocantins Mafia
The factions in the Southeast region of Brazil. Rio de Janeiro:
-PCC:
Present in almost all states of Brazil, in addition to Paraguay and Bolivia, it has 90% of its revenue coming from drug trafficking, but it also operates in robberies of value carriers and in theft of cargo of large values. It differs the business of the faction and the factions.
The PCC has had four phases since its creation: Between 1993 and 2001, it was in territorial expansion; between 2001 and 2006, it expanded its influence; between 2006 and 2011, it adopted a more discreet character; and since 2011 it has been in a phase of selective confrontations, with internal dispute. Currently, the main focus of the faction is international cocaine trafficking.
- Red Command:
The second largest criminal faction in the country emerged in 1979 in the extinct prison of Ilha Grande, in Rio de Janeiro. His first sources of income were bank robberies and jewelry stores. He changed his behavior, migrating to drug trafficking, with the rise of Marcinho VP, in 1999.As most important CV bases are currently in the complexes of Alemão, Chapadão and Salgueiro, in addition to the favelas of Chatuba, Antares and Rocinha. With the arrival of the UPPs, it expanded and grew to the south of Rio de Janeiro, especially in the region of Angra dos Reis and Paraty, as well as other states, such as Ceará, Mato Grosso and Pará.
Friend of Friends:
Created between 1994 and 1998 in the penitentiary system of Rio de Janeiro. Its original composition is made up of dissidents from the CV. Initially, she was an ally of the TC (Third Command), also a dissident of the CV. After the death of a TC leader in a rebellion that took place in Bangu in 2002, the alliance was dissolved. The TC was later extinguished, and some of its members migrated to the ADA.
After losing control of the Rocinha favela to the CV, it consequently lost space in the capital of Rio de Janeiro. An affinity he has with the TCP (Pure Third Command) can help in his performance in the metropolitan region of the capital. His previous status is considered by public security authorities as irretrievable.
- Pure Third Command:
TCP was created in Complexo da Maré in 2002. Its bases are concentrated mainly in the North and West zones of Rio. Its important bases are in Serrinha and the Dendê, Maré, Pedreira and Senador Camará complexes. Its original composition was made up of dissidents from the TC, ADA and CV. Currently, it is made up of new TCP members and ADA dissidents.
TCP disputes territories with CV in the interior of Rio, mainly in the regions of Volta Redonda, Barra Mansa, Angra dos Reis and Paraty. He has ties to the PCC and militias.
- First Victory Command:
The PCV is a faction that does not conflict with the PCC in Espírito Santo. The faction is led by a couple: Paulo Cezar Moreira Junior, the PC, and his wife, Rayane Cardoso Sant'Anna. In May 2011, local police intercepted a "salve" that determined attacks on buses, banks, public agents and three prisoners who reported the faction to the Public Prosecutor's Office.
- Bullet Train:
It emerged in 2012 after a conflict with the PCV in the neighborhood of Penha, in Vitória. It has no statute or defined rules for membership or permanence. There are even members who are also from the PCV. Because it is smaller than the PCC and the PCV, it avoids conflicts. Its leader is Carlos Alberto Furtado da Silva, known as Nego Beto, who is a former PCV.
